Afkijken via je telefoon, volgens de McAfee’s 2012 Teen Internet Behavior Studie, heeft bijna de helft van de tieners al vragen opgezocht voor een test of taak (48%). 22% gaf toe dat ze zo echt al vals hebben gespeeld. Oja, slechts 5% van de ouders vermoedden dit van hun kinderen.
Verder vond men:
- 15.8% van de tieners gaf toe dat ze antwoorden opzochten via hun telefoon. Slechts 3,2% van de ouders verdachten hun kinderen hiervan.
- 77.2% van de ouders gaf aan dat ze niet bezorgd zijn over het online spieken van hun kinderen.
Deze studie van McAfee die ik bij Mashable vond (HT @flatworldbuzz) kwam hier al eerder aan bod, en we hadden toen al wel wat bedenkingen bij het onderzoek.
Oja, er zijn meer mogelijkheden om vals te spelen met technologie.
Een kwalitatief onderzoek dat van Emanuela Chiapparini bij 31 14-15-jarigen in Zurich legt bloot hoe de respondenten kijken naar eerlijkheid op school. Wat blijkt: er is een afwegen tussen normen en praktische omstandigheden. Uit het persbericht:
Pragmatic and social, not moral criteria
According to Chiapparini, there is a discrepancy between morally legitimate, conventional honesty rules and individually founded and peer-based unconventional honesty rules. Particularly in real dilemma situations, young people do not make decisions based on moral principles, but rather take their cue from pragmatic and social criteria. For instance, Thomas owns up to an incident to save the class from a collective punishment even though he did not damage the chair. For his false conduct, he has to stay behind after school one afternoon. In return, however, he is looked up to by his peers and his standing improves.
Pupils expect scrutiny
School children fundamentally expect the teacher to take in or at least check their homework. Some of them are appalled if teachers eat or mark other exams during school tests instead of checking the pupils’ independent work. If teachers behave in such a way, pupils might resort to cunning cheating techniques while the teacher’s importance as a point of reference diminishes. Young people strongly criticize the lack of control and test how far they can get away with unconventional honesty rules, which sometimes border on provocation. “If Miss can’t be bothered to check, that’s her problem; it’s open season for cheating!” seems to be the honesty rule pupils have come up with in response.
Apart from expecting checks, school children would also like understanding teachers who welcome discussions. The same goes for parents. There particularly seems to be a desire for empathy on the part of legal guardians if a child receives poor grades on school tests and the results need to be signed by the parents. In such delicate situations, such criteria as appropriateness, collegiality and fear influence dishonest behavior in young people.
Productive processing of everyday school life
Based on the results of the study, Chiapparini concludes that young people, if they are dishonest, are not so much interested in rejecting moral norms. Instead, their behavior represents a productive processing of everyday school life, which is governed by institutional rules. For instance, school children weigh up the potential threat of punishment and go out of their way to behave dishonestly based on their experiences. The school parameters thus promote many unconventional honesty rules: Situations that are caused by a teacher do not have to be rectified if advantages are gained among peers within the class. If the teacher changes the deadline for handing in a piece of homework, for example, the pupils do not have to announce this according to their rules. Or they can withhold information if the teacher does not request it, it is not about anything important or the facts are not going to be checked.
(bron)